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20121101
20121130
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Search Results 0 to 29 of about 30 (some duplicates have been removed)
under two hours. >> good afternoon. minus karlyn bowman, i'm a senior fellow here at aei, and on behalf of my aei colleague, michael broken norm ornstein and henry olsen, and our c-span viewers, i'd like to invite all of you to this final session of the aei election watch 2012 season. i'd like to breed and produce one of our colleagues, ben wattenberg, who helped to start the aei election watch series in 1982. ease with us here today. ben wattenberg and the late richard scam and were the first people to look at the interaction of demography and public opinion data in the 1970 book, the real majority. they told us that important changing demographics of the two future elections, and in this election are pathbreaking insights have been confirmed. like he knows were a larger share of the electorate and four years ago, and a vote as this new issue of aei's monthly political report shows, solidly for president obama. if ron had done so with respect as reagan did in 1984 and bush in 2004, the outcome of this election would have been different. between the 2000-2010 census, asians were the fas
think tank, this is aei, people at aei. >> you mentioned the others, and we relate to the culture of aei itself. we're dealing with wanting to fix the economy, and there is no right answer. and even within our own health care team at aei, we have a lot of different approaches. some of those, just to speak categorically, some of those are incremental. they're about fixing health care as we find it today. and others are much more broadbrush. let's start over. a couple of our scholars are very focused on scrap the whole theme, repeal and replace, very, very systematic sort of control the lead on health care. i'm not one of those folks at aei. i'm one of those folks who is very much focused on let's deal with the plan as we find it. let's deal with the system the way it is. and that's why jim and i have a difference of opinion on this idea. >> you know, j.d., i think the republican response, the conservative response to the affordable care act is symptomatic of something broader. to me it has badly damaged the credibility of the conservative movement over the past few years. that is if the o
on thursday. participants included henry olsen at aei, "fox news" channel political contributor michael barone and roll calls congress inside out columnist, norman ornstein. this is an hour and 50 minutes. >> my name is karlyn bowman and i'm a senior fellow at aei and on behalf of my aei colleaguecolleagues, michael barone, norman ornstein and had real sin in our c-span viewers i would like to invite you to the spinal session of this election watch 2012 session. i'd like to briefly introduce one of our colleagues who helped to start the aei election watch series in 1982. he is with us here today. then wattenberg and the late richard scanlan where the first people to look at the interactions of democracy -- demography and public opinion data in their 1970 book, the real majority. they told us how important changing demographics would be to future elections and in this election their pathbreaking insights have been confirmed. latinos were a larger share of the electorate than four years ago and they voted as the issue of the monthly political report shows solidly for president obama. they did as
for your interest in this topic. i think it's appropriate i present my bookie or because aei was so far in front of the pack in warning of the dangers of fannie and freddie. not that congress is really listening. and it is a pleasure to be here and see so many people who kindly helped me over the years i research. alex, todd, ed, tom stanton, others can't thank you all. i recently looked at the electronic urchin of my book on itunes and itunes informed me that people who bought my book also bought winnie the pooh. [laughter] well, when he first appeared in 1826. fannie mae came on a dozen years later and post it proved excitingly surprisingly durable. one turn into disney franchise. the other became a national disaster. despite all of the troubles, fannie and freddie stiller responsible for most new home mortgages in the night dates. so we have nationalized the huge part of our mortgage industry. how did we get to this point? what was it on purpose. as more of an accident and it was a bipartisan accident. let's go back to the 1930s. about a quarter of the workforce was unemployed. about
at the american enterprise institute, and i'm the editor of american.com, aei's flagship online magazine. want to thank you for coming to our event today, conservatives and immigration reform, now what? i'd like to thank, before i get started, i'd like to thank my colleague dan rothschild here at aei who had the idea for doing this event and helped bring it all together. dan's had an issue in this for a long time, as have i, and i think it's timely and important that we start talking about some of these things. you know, there's been a tension at the heart of the conservative movement's approach to immigration for at least as long as i've polled politics and -- followed politics and a lot longer than that. there are two influential camps that have jockeyed for control to define the right approach on immigration policy. this'll be a crude generalization, but i believe a fair one. on the one hand, there are economic libertarians. they don't mind so much the presence of large numbers of immigrants here in the united states illegally. and they would also welcome much more legal immigration as well
coverage from c-span2. >> to start the aei series in 1982. he is with us here today been lautenberg and the late richard scamen were the people to look at the intersection of democracy and public often opinion data in the 1970 book "the real majority." they told us how important changing demographics would be to future e elections come indigenous election de pass braking insights have been confirmed. latinos or a larger share of the electorate than four years ago, and they voted as this new issue of aei's political report shows solidly for president obama. if romney had done as well with hispanics out as ronald reagan in 1984 and bush in 2004, the outcome of this election would have been different. but in the 2003 co 2010 census, asians were the fastest-growing ethnic group in the country, and in this election they also voted heavily for the president. african-americans are a very slow growing demographic group, but their turnout did not decline this year and they gave more than 90% of their vote to the president. so, while demography is not destiny, it is certainly important. the d
, how could i work for the hacks at aei and the bozos at nro? okay? already what we need to do generally in the discussions is with each other is to recognize everybody in the discussion is an american. everyone in the discussion is actually not a hack or a bozo or tyrant in the making, but something trying to organize and think their way through these problems that are very difficult and very complex. somebody said they were going to be a pundit and promised that barack obama's going to win 59% of the vote in 49 states. that person is not in the realm of reality, but that's not where anybody who is serious was, and this was the hardest election in our lifetime, the hardest election since nixon in 68 to call. >> i just can't resist saying i put michael in a different category than dick morris, but -- [laughter] that aside, on the supreme court, we don't know what vacancies there will be. we have several justices in their 70s. you know, in this world today, being in your 70s, thank goodness, does not mean that you're approaching the end of your life. we also know that we've had justices w
and which james hagerty will be happy to autograph after the program. i'm a resident fellow here at aei and we are very pleased to have you here to consider what this is fateful history and its role in american politicized housing finance. after many years of dealing with and thinking about fannie mae, i thought i knew a lot about the subject but i learned a lot more about it from reading bob's book, especially about the very long-term evolution of politicized mortgage finance in this country and also about the vivid personalities involved over the last 40 years, all the way to the end of the story, at least it's the end so far. the book is full of information but in addition, if you read my invitation to this event you know that i think it represents an underlying tragic drama. in fact, a shakespearean tragedy in five acts. rise, power, hubris, fall, and utter humiliation. [laughter] on power, many people in washington not so long ago and in the mortgage business everywhere in the country were truly afraid of fannie mae and the retribution it meted out to people who dare to cross it. h
reasonable. how could i work for the hacks at aei. what we need to do generally in our discussion with each other is to recognize that everybody in this discussion is an american. everybody is not a hack or a bozo or tyrant in the making was somebody trying to argue and think their way through these problems that are very difficult and complex. somebody said they were going to be a pundit that barack obama was going to win 59% of the vote than sleep 49 states. that person was not probably serious. this was the hardest election since 1968 to call. >> i cannot resist saying that i put michael in a different category than dick morris. that aside, on the supreme court, we do not know what vacancies there will be. we have several justices in their 70's. and this world today being in your 70's does not mean you are approaching the end of your life. we also know we have had justices with health problems. we have justices that smoke too much and maybe have other vices that could have an impact. there is a pretty good chance in the next four years there will be one, too, or three vacancies. some dep
, fellow at the american prize institute, the editor of american.com, aei's flag ship on line magazine. i want to thank you for coming to our event today. conservatives and immigration reform, now what? i'd like to thank, before you start, i want to thank my colleague, dan rothschild here at aei who had the idea for the event and helped bring it together. dan's had an interest in the issue for a long time, as have i, and it's timely and important that we talk about some of these things. you know, there's been a tension at the heart of the conservative movement's approach to immigration for as long as i followed politics and longer than that. there's two camps that jockeyed for control to define the right approach on immigration policy. this will be a crude generalization, but i believe a fair one. libertarians do not mind the presence of the large numbers of immigrants here in the united states illegally, and they will also welcome much more legal immigration as well. we can call this the wall street journal wing. on the other hand, there's conservatives preserved about prereceiverring am
it is aei good idea. [laughter] so you don't have to ask that question. but most people think that war is a bad thing.t so why does it happen so often? >> with my students, we workedo? our way through to basic answers to the question. it seems diametrically with ae poser, but it is not entirely on complementary. lemp one answer is that i presume bya most of us, most people in the united states, i can point out exception if you want to icar it. csp most people would say that warw is when things gosa wrong. therefore, if you want to explain why there there is war, you need to explain the very g things that can go wrong. things can go wrong because thermisumisunderstanding among nations. a if you look at the borun-up ton. world war i, they had theseated. h rtmatums went back and forth wad if somebody made a slightly different decision, it might have ended up differently. and then there are really bad terrorists. so then there was a megalomaniac, which was responsible for world war ii. this is a comforting explanation for world warbe ii. if we people think it is because of those bad guys,
--it's not quite as big as aei, but it's one of the major conservative--sort of second-tier conservative think tanks in america. c-span: and where is claremont, california? what's it near? >> guest: well, it's about 30 miles east of la. c-span: in the beginning of your book under acknowledgments, you say, 'through the generosity of henry salvatori, charles kessler brought me to claremont mckenna college as a salvatori visiting scholar.' >> guest: right. c-span: who is henry salvatori? >> guest: salvatori just died recently at the age of--you know, i think he was about 97. he was an italian immigrant who was a very successful businessman and made a pile of money developing techniques of oil exploration that turned out to be very successful. and in his later years, he became a major donor to causes and to people who were interested in restoring the principles of the founding. and he established a center at claremont mckenna college, the salvatori center, which is directed by charles kessler. and they brought me out there knowing that i was somebody who could help advance that work. c-span: where
enterprise institute, and i'm the editor of theamerican.org, the aei magazine. i want to thank you for coming to the event today. conservatives and immigration reform. now what? i would like to thank my colleague daniel rothschild who had the idea for doing this event and helped bring it all together. he's had an interest in this issue for a long time as have i and i think it is timely and important and we start talking about some of these things. there's been attention on the immigration issue for at least as long as i followed politics and a lot longer than that. they are within the intellectual movement for control to define the right approach on immigration policy. this will be a generalization that i believe a fair one. on the one hand there are economic libertarians. they don't mind so much the presence of large numbers of immigrants here in the united states illegally in the there was also welcome much more legal immigration as well. we call this "the wall street journal" wing. on the other hand our social and law-and-order conservatives who are concerned about preserving america's uni
program at public citizen. and ken green, resident scholar at aei. tyson, i'm stunned to see your notes you haven't come around to the easiest policy position regarding jobs, regarding energy independence. regarding more refineryes. how can you not be wildly in favor of the keystone pipeline? >> because the keystone pipeline has nothing to do with american energy security or lower gas prices for americans. it is all about what is good for canada. it is getting land-locked canadian crude out of alberta and to a coast. 75% of the record -- >> canada is an ally? where is that bad? first of all, oil is oil, right? oil is oil. it helps them, it helps us. jobs are jobs. helps them out. but i didn't like your reference to canada. canada is america's greatest ally and friend. we should work together on energy. what in -- what is -- imaginabye what could be bad about working with canada? >> the issue isn't about what is bad working with canada. the question is what is good for american energy security and gas prices. and the keystone pipeline is sending that oil to the gulf coast where it is ref
at aei have decided to do is convene a thoughtful panel of folks to discuss this service at immigration reform. this the american enterprise institute for public policy research, not the institute ofor figuring out how to get conservatives or republicans elected. we are interested in finding the right solutions to public policy problems and issues, and immigration is no different. i asked our panelists that while the temptation in the present moment will be to talk solely about immigration in the context of american politics, and that is an interesting and a proper thing to do, it is more important that we make progress in analyzing sound policy on emigration. the sound public policies happen to be political winners, all the better. we have seen lots of pundits and policymakers in the wake of the election offer advice such as republicans should get behind one-time amnesty or should back comprehensive immigration reform or need to stop building walls and start reaching out to more hispanics. maybe these are wise steps. but almost all of the analysis in the wake of the election has been d
'm the editor of american.com, a.e.i.'s flagship online magazine. i want to thank you for coming to our event today. conservatives and immigration reform, now what? i'd like to thank -- before you start, i'd like to thank my colleague, dan rothschild here who helped bring this all together. he's had an interest in this issue for a long time, as have i and it's timely and important that we start talking about these things. there's been a tension at the heart of the conservative movement's approach to immigration for at least as long as i've followed politics and a lot longer than that. there are two influential camps that have jockeyed to define the right approach to immigration policy. this will be accrued generalization, but i believe a fair one. on the one hand there are economic libertarians. they don't mind so much the presence of large numbers of immigrants here in the united states illegally. and they would also welcome much more legal immigration as well. we can call this the "wall street journal" wing. on the other hand there's social and law and order conservatives, who are concerned
morning, everybody. please take a seat and get prepared for a great event. welcome to aei. i am research fellow in education policy studies here. we appreciate everyone coming out. i know it has been a quiet week in d.c., so we are glad to give you an excuse to get out of the office. to the senate, the 2012 election looks like $6 billion later and not all that much has changed -- to the senate -- to the cynic. the president won a second term, though with a slightly smaller coalition than last time around. republicans maintain their majority in the house. democrats picked up a couple of seats in the senate. that looks pretty much the same. while the political situation looks largely the same, policy challenges loom on the horizon. the long-awaited this go? set to take effect on january 2 would lead to some -- the fiscal cliff set to take effect still very much in flux. luckily we have this panel of experts here to help us understand where matters stand. i want to point out quickly that we had planned on having representatives from the administration here to add their perspectives to the d
and the oversight of the sponsored enterprises so i'm very grateful to cato. unfortunately as peter wallison of aei has pointed out, our largest financial institutions today there like government-sponsored enterprises. they benefit from the belief that government will bail out there debt holders. now shareholders, they like high-risk bets particularly high leverage because they get the high returns from those high risks, at least until something goes wrong. by contrast, debt holders have traditionally been a force for moderation in the marketplace because they only get a fixed rate of interest whatever the debt obligation promises and when a the company starts to take more risk their disadvantage. but implicit government backing of the dead of our largest financial institutions means that this market discipline has suddenly been undermined. so today i want to talk about my new book, why some firms thrive while others fail and this focuses on my work. we study internal documents. i can't tell you how many from financial institutions and the regulators interviewed ceos, risk officers, bankers, trader
institute. wolfowitz writing for a.e.i. said forget the gossip, focus on bengood afternoon -- benghazi. warren strobal of routers, the general, the former c.i.a. director gave his first statements yesterday since stepping down. what did we learn? >> just to clarify, the statements became public yesterday but apparently it was some sort of email communication or perhaps phone calls that occurred over the last weeks with kyra phillips of h.l.n. network in which he basically said two important things. one was that no classified information was breeched or revealed in this affair. and the other was that his he's nation was because of the affair, not because of benghazi. the real question is was there a security breach of any kind because of the affair between petraeus and miss broadwell. attorney general holder at the same press conference where he was discussing b.p. said he didn't see anything. and the classified information on her computer was old and predated petraeus's time at the c.i.a. host: and before we let you go, give us a sense of where this investigation goes from here. we're
education policy. this is a topic that we at aei have been talking about for an extended stretch. in support of the templeton foundation, we have been running the private enterprise projects, trying to think about the opportunities and the challenge. how do make this work for kids in the community's? how do we think about some of the challenges the potential perils? this panel is a close of a series of panels and conversations. we have commissioned a number of pieces that will be coming up as a book this spring. we have the opportunity to work. phones, inose of the was cell turn them off. why this topic? the vast majority of what we do in america k-12 is done by public institutions. it is done by institutions run by states. and a lot of other work including most charter schools are run by nonprofit. then there is a substantial slot of activity that is for profit. they run schools or colleges. they sell everything from pencils to paper to textbooks to curricula to school systems. we do not often think about that. we do not often think about the upside or downside. that is what we want to get
out canis norman ornstein and aei's national research initiative director henry olsen. they will become the deciding factor in how voters cast their ballots and issues important to voters. that's why begin at 12 noon eastern here on c-span2. >> america ranks 29,000 feet of its internet behind such as the ukraine. moldavia and ukraine. we pay the highest price in were by far. i one measure with a 38 times with the japanese pay for bit of information. if you buy one of these triple pay packages and i have one, you pay on average with tax and use $160. in france, you pay $38 u.s., and you get worldwide calling to 70 country, not just in u.s. and candidate. you get worldwide television, not just domestic, and to in his 20 times faster upload and 10 times faster downloading. you are paying less than 25 cents on the dollar. all these other countries understand a fundamental principle. in the 19th century, canals and railroads were the key to economic growth to an dutch relation, and you had to move heavy things like steel. as a 20th century came along, it was highways, inter
to get us started. >> thanks to rick and aei for hosting this event and all of you for being here. this has obviously been a campaign season this for so it's nice to talk about an area in which there is common ground between the two candidates, and more importantly the germans prospects for the collection after november 6th. both candidates agree first of all the nation faces major educational challenges and that in addressing the challenges is an essential both to the long-term economic success and to making good on our collective commitment to equal the educational opportunity. only three of four high school freshman complete high school on time. for african-americans and hispanics the number is closer to one of two and the latest data shows that two-thirds of students who do graduate do so unprepared for college level work. meanwhile post secondary training is becoming a once more the central and less affordable than ever. both candidates also agree that the federal government has an important role to play in endorsing these challenges but there are visions of that role ever qu
is somebody at aei holding up the dmv as a form of efficient government at work. i guess it really is like a holoca -- like a whole other country. >> at least a grand duchy. >> maybe folks who are skeptical of conference of reform plans are just ignorant and somehow diabolically well funded, buy i think folks who are for these sorts of reforms have to listen to themselves and think if i am saying this will all resulted in a circular to migratory flow and it's all going to work out perfectly and it's not -- and it's going to be perfectly administratively feasible and we will have the political will to enforce limits on the guest worker program when we have not had the political will to do so yet and our lack of saying is one of the major reasons we have for arguing for it, maybe people are just not going to quiet buy ut. -- buy it. if the impetus for the temporary worker problem is there's a political problem for conservatives and republicans, that cannot possibly be the solution to it, because you will be instantly outflanked. there will be an argument the says you want folks to work hard
's panel is on the question of for-profit and federal education policy. this is a topic that we at aei have been talking about for an extended stretch. in support of the templeton foundation, we have been running the private enterprise projects, trying to think about the opportunities and the challenge. how do make this work for kids in the communities? how do we think about some of those challenges the potential perils? this panel is a close up series of panels and conversations. we have commissioned a number of pieces that will be coming up as a book this spring. we have the opportunity to work. those of you with cell phones, in turn them off. why this topic? the vast majority of what we do in america k-12 is done by public institutions. it is done by institutions run by states. and a lot of other work including most charter schools are run by nonprofit. then there is a substantial slot of activity that is for profit. they run schools or colleges. they sell everything from pencils to paper to textbooks to curricula to school systems. we do not often think about that. we do not often think
worlds. you get whatever criticism there was. and they use him like tim pawlenty. aey haven't talked about single tough choice. >> for the c-span audience, one question from earlier -- there are two big questions. i am not convinced. one question, why did mitt romney not pivot to the center, as he did in denver in the debate, why didn't he do that in april. that was the time to make the shift. the obama team forecast their strategy. >> the reason was -- you wrote brilliantly about it. until the convention, the campaign they ran was not good until the convention. they wasted money in not buying adds earlier. he could have moved to the middle. the republicans didn't think they could win and would have taken any transition. and an email from northern chile -- what impact will latino voters have? you bring a lot about immigration reform. >> new mexico wasn't in play. it went automatically into the obama column. it is clear in nevada and colorado. nevada is a pathway to 270 without ohio. i think the post-mortem on this is that -- if the republicans don't win, a look a thow they dealt with
policy. this is a topic that we ad aei have been interested in and talking about for an extended stretch. the last couple of years with the generous support of the templeton foundation we have been running the private enterprise and american education project trying to think about both the opportunities and the challenges, the upsides and the downsides of having for-profits involved in k-12 and higher education. how do we make this work for kids and communities how do we think about some of the challenges and, potential perils of having for-profits involved. this panel is the close of a series of panels and conversations. we have commissioned a number about of pieces of new research which will be coming out as a book this spring with futures college press at columbia university. michael horn and i have had the opportunity to work with a terrific set of authors. those of you guys with cell phones, please make sure you turned them to vibrate or turn them off before we get started. why this topic? well, when we talk about education the vast majority of what we do in america k-12 higher educ
, about how there's at least 20 possible republican candidates, at least a dozens of them are serious. aey're worried about too big field. what is your solution to that? >> well, they now can change the rules for the republican convention between conventions. so the r.n.c. changed the rules in this convention to allow them to change the rules. so they could tighten up eligibility. i don't think there's anything wrong with asking people to ante up. raise $100,000 for the party that will go into the general election, if you want to be in the debate. be a team player. show us that you've accomplished something. i would hope the first three debates would be, one, the first one in front of republican governors. with them asking the questions. i mean, one of the challenges, you have some left to center media guy asking the republicans questions about sex and then these are guys at home going, the republicans are obsessed with sex. no! anderson cooper kept asking these questions and they had to answer them. get a republican who's interested in republican issues on how to govern asking the questio
Search Results 0 to 29 of about 30 (some duplicates have been removed)